\u00a0<\/strong>Background<\/strong><\/p>\n Although in many ways outwardly similar to a traditional Pentecostal church, Peoples Temple from the start contained radical political elements. Reverend Jim Jones, a loyal supporter of Marxism, communism, and socialism, used Peoples Temple as a cover to promote his radical agenda, claiming during Peoples Temple\u2019s later years to have infiltrated the church with his unorthodox beliefs. These radical ideas formed before Jones established Peoples Temple and persisted until the very last day of its existence, moving closer to the forefront with each passing year. Jones\u2019 sermons began with communalist and socialist ideas with occasional mention of Karl Marx\u2019s ideas. After migrating to California, the Temple became more active politically as Jones spoke out against capitalism and began to push a more radical agenda. By the time the group migrated to Jonestown, Jones actively pursued his socialist dream, establishing a commune in the jungles of Guyana. Jones implored his followers to commit to his radical plans as well through participation in socialist classes and community meetings in Jonestown. On November 18th<\/sup>, 1978, the day of the mass murder-suicides in Jonestown, Jones proclaimed that the act was to protest capitalism, fascism, and other perceived evils in the United States.<\/p>\n Communalism in Religious Organizations<\/strong><\/p>\n Modern socialism emerged in early 19th<\/sup>-century Europe as a response to wealth disparity created by industrialization and urbanization. Some members of society welcomed capitalism but others dissented, leading them to socialist philosophies. Rather than individualism, the socialists emphasized collectivism, working for the greater good within their communities, and cooperation. The socialists were concerned with unequal distribution of wealth. When peasant wages fell the workers moved into urban areas and took low-paying jobs. These concerns led socialist thinkers such as Henri de Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier, and Robert Owen to build the ideas behind utopian communes that would emphasize \u201charmony, association, and cooperation\u201d through communal living and working.[1]<\/a> These communes existed long before Reverend Jim Jones would build Jonestown in the jungles of Guyana; therefore Jones\u2019 utopian dream was not a new one, but rather part of an experimental socialist lineage conceived at least a century earlier.<\/p>\n Aristocrat Henri de Saint-Simon (1760-1825) was greatly influenced by the French Revolution of 1789. Like Jones, Saint-Simon was interested in social justice. The French philosopher believed that the semi-feudal relationship that still existed in Europe in the early 19th<\/sup>-century was problematic. Saint-Simon\u2019s goals were to \u201ceradicate poverty and to ensure that all benefited from education and employment,\u201d[2]<\/a> goals Jones agreed were important to pursue in a socialist commune. Saint-Simon also argued that \u201call men ought to work\u201d in response to the disparity between the \u201cworkers\u201d and the \u201cidlers (a group in society who lived off of their wealth without contributing to production or distribution of goods),\u201d[3]<\/a> a statement Jones supported, as all of the members of Jonestown worked to sustain the commune in Jonestown.<\/p>\n Charles Fourier (1772-1837) took a slightly different approach to the problems of society, blaming the \u201cstifling impact of current society, which was the primary cause of human misery.\u201d Michael Newman argues that Fourier\u2019s utopian commune, Harmony, had more ideologically in common with the communes of the 1960s than did Saint-Simon\u2019s philosophies. Fourier\u2019s commune focused more on \u201cfeelings, passion, and sexuality\u201d than did earlier communes, or phalanxes, as he called them.[4]<\/a> Fourier also believed that schools should be community-based; that is, they should have no teachers or students, but should be implemented through a more natural process.[5]<\/a> Fourier was less interested in wealth disparity and class division than other socialist thinkers.[6]<\/a> He believed communities should have three classes, including the rich, who would help finance the community as shareholders. However, Fourier believed that there would be no animosity among these class divisions because \u201ctheir primary cause\u2014poverty\u2014would be absent.\u201d According to Fourier\u2019s socialist philosophy, these three groups would work together and have the same educational system, which would lead to \u201ccommonality of language and manners.\u201d[7]<\/a> In this way, Fourier\u2019s ideas differed from other socialist thinkers\u2019 philosophies, yet he was an important founder of utopian communal thought.<\/p>\n Similar to Fourier, Robert Owen (1771-1858) blamed society for individuals\u2019 ills. More motivated to enact change than his predecessors, Fourier purchased land in Indiana for his commune, New Harmony, where he hoped to experiment with utopianism. Owen criticized the way societies operated, blaming them for promoting \u201cselfish and superstitious ways\u201d in its people. He believed these negative qualities in individuals could be transformed through changes in the ways children were raised, relationships between the sexes, and the organization of work patterns.[8]<\/a> Owen began to attack the outside system of private property and profit, also a theme common in Jones\u2019 speeches. Michael Newman argues that Owen\u2019s emphasis on nurture rather than nature became an important facet of socialist thought in the years to come.[9]<\/a> Furthermore, Owen also believed that society needed \u201cdrastic reformation,\u201d and that marriage, the church, and private property prevented the establishment of a new society, one based on a new moral order. Integral to this new moral order was a \u201cproper environment\u201d with a \u201csuitable educational program.\u201d Owen also stressed that man\u2019s beliefs and character were \u201cdetermined for<\/em> him through his environment and not by<\/em> him through his personal endeavors alone.\u201d[10]<\/a> These ideas differ from Fourier\u2019s, as Owen \u201csaw character as plastic and open to creation,\u201d and Fourier \u201csaw it as God-given and liable to discovery.\u201d[11]<\/a> Owen\u2019s beliefs were closer to Jones\u2019 ideas than Fourier\u2019s, stressing the importance of creating an environment rich with educational programs in which community members could reach their full potential.<\/p>\n Influenced by these socialist thinkers, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote The Communist Manifesto<\/em> in 1848. In his article \u201cMarxism,\u201d Joshua Muravchik contends that Engels took inspiration from the work of Robert Owen.[12]<\/a> Engels writes in Socialism: Utopian and Scientific<\/em> that socialism \u201cin its theoretical form \u2026 originally appears ostensibly as a more logical extension of the principles laid down by the great French philosophers of the eighteenth century,\u201d[13]<\/a> showing the lineage of socialist thought moving through Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Furthermore, Engels argues that these socialist philosophers were \u201cextreme revolutionists.\u201d[14]<\/a> If indeed influenced by the writings of Marx and Engels, as Jim Jones claimed to be, then it follows that by proxy he took inspiration from these early socialist pioneers, making him a revolutionary and a radical as well.<\/p>\n Definitions<\/strong><\/p>\n Before a discussion of Jim Jones and his radical political ideology can commence, Marx and Engels\u2019 version of communist thought warrants clarification. The authors of The Communist Manifesto<\/em> claimed \u201ca specter is haunting Europe\u2014the specter of communism,\u201d and called for similar thinkers to come forth with their ideas.[15]<\/a> In their manifesto, Marx and Engels argued that class struggles between the \u201coppressor and the oppressed\u201d have caused major problems in society throughout history.[16]<\/a> However, they believed that as capitalism grew, the numbers of the impoverished workers would grow and the numbers of the wealthy business owners would shrink. Muravchik posits, \u201cThis dynamic would make revolution morally necessary and politically possible.\u201d Marx and Engels predicted an uprising of the working class against the bourgeoisie. The proletariats would win the battle and a classless society would result. This theory did not come to fruition as the middle class expanded and the wealthy remained powerful. Still, the allure of Marxism has persisted to the present.[17]<\/a><\/p>\n Jones took Marx and Engel\u2019s radical political ideas and distorted them, promoting them as his self-proclaimed \u201cown brand\u201d: \u201cI shall call myself a Marxist, because no one taught me my brand of Marxism. I read, I listened.\u201d[18]<\/a> Jones\u2019 declaration indicates that the reverend did not follow Marx and Engels\u2019 ideology exactly. Although concerned with wealth disparity, Jones did not speak of an uprising by the poor, as Marx and Engels did. Instead, Jones took a more defeatist position. He instilled hopelessness in his congregation, claiming there could be no escape from the perceived evils of capitalism in the United States. Therefore, while Jones took inspiration from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels\u2019 The Communist Manifesto<\/em>, calling his \u201cbrand\u201d of philosophy Marxism, it did not adhere to all of the traditional tenets of communist radical thought or the intentions of the authors\u2019 ideas. In 1972, Jones proclaimed, \u201cMan can evolve. Man can grow up till he can be trusted. That\u2019s what we\u2019re saying. The perfection of man. Christians say it, but they don\u2019t believe. [Karl] Marx said it. He said man is capable of perfection. Christians say, that you must be perfect like God is. Jesus said, be ye perfect, even as\u2026 I and the heavenly father are perfect\u201d[19]<\/a> (Matthew 5:48, \u201cBe ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect\u201d).[20]<\/a> This quotation indicates that Jones drew inspiration from Marx, incorporating Marxist rhetoric within his sermons.<\/p>\n Jones\u2019 version of Marxism has raised much criticism. John R. Hall, author of Gone from the Promised Land: Jonestown in American Cultural History<\/em>, writes, \u201cFrom the standpoint of Marxists, Jones could best be described as a \u2018crude communist\u2019 who had little theoretical understanding of the labor theory of value, class conflict, or a host of other issues that Marxists use as touchstones for their debates and strategies.\u201d[21]<\/a> Journalist Steve Rose calls Jones an \u201cemotional Marxist,\u201d writing that \u201cMarxism was, for [Jones], a means of polarizing the world into Good and Bad;\u201d[22]<\/a> that is, capitalists and non-capitalists. Mark Lane, author of The Strongest Poison<\/em><\/a>, remarks, \u201cFrom my one philosophical and political exchange with Jones, I had concluded that his scholarship in Marxist ideology was so deficient that he might have experienced difficulty in distinguishing between the words of Karl Marx and Groucho Marx.\u201d[23]<\/a> These assessments of Jones\u2019 understanding of Marxism are critical, showing that Jones did indeed invent his \u201cown brand\u201d of radical political ideology that took inspiration from Marx and Engels but could not be called Marxism in the traditional sense.<\/p>\n Jim Jones\u2019 Political Ideology before Peoples Temple<\/strong><\/p>\n The Communist Party, an important part of Jones\u2019 life even before the formation of Peoples Temple, influenced his radical beliefs. Jones joined the CPUSA (Communist Party USA) during the McCarthy era,[24]<\/a> although there is debate over whether he was a \u201ccard-carrying member\u201d or not. His wife, Marceline Jones, recalled that at the time of their marriage in 1949, Jim Jones was already a committed communist.[25]<\/a> Although harassed for their show of support for the radical ideology, the Joneses continued to attend Communist rallies during the peak of the McCarthy era.[26]<\/a> Historian David Chidester remarks in Salvation and Suicide: Jim Jones, the Peoples Temple, and Jonestown<\/em>, \u201cDuring the McCarthy era of the 1950s, Jones called himself a Maoist but still identified with Stalin and the Soviet Union; [Jones] \u2018died a thousand deaths\u2019 when the Rosenbergs were executed, executions he saw as an indictment of the American system, \u2018an inhumane system that kills people based on a bunch of scrap paper, just because they had Communist affiliations.\u2019\u201d[27]<\/a> By the 1950s, Jones already questioned anti-communist sentiments in the United States and made his radical beliefs public. According to Hall, Jones claimed to be \u201cenamored of Stalin\u201d because of the Soviet leader\u2019s stand against the Nazis during the Second World War.[28]<\/a> This sentiment shows Jones\u2019 support for the Communist Party and its leaders in the post-World War II era.<\/p>\n Early exposure to the Communist Party and radical thinking led Jones to conclusions about capitalism in the United States and the actions he could take to steer his members away from pro-capitalist thought. Chidester writes, \u201cPerceiving socialism as an alternative to vast economic inequities, Jones later recalled that his sense of compassion led him to reject the American system of capitalism. \u2018It seemed gross to me that one human being would have so much more than another,\u2019 Jones recounted. \u2018I couldn\u2019t come to terms with capitalism in any way.\u2019\u201d[29]<\/a> In statements written in the late 1970s the Reverend Jones mused, \u201cI decided, how<\/em> can I demonstrate my Marxism? The thought was \u2018infiltrate the church.\u2019 I consciously made a decision to look into that prospect.\u201d[30]<\/a> John R. Hall explains Jones\u2019 rationale concerning using the church as a vehicle to promote his radical agenda:<\/p>\n Thus came Jim Jones\u2019 first and greatest deception: using the cover of a church to preach that religion was \u2018the opiate of the people.\u2019 In the United States, serious discussion of socialism effectively has been excluded from mainstream media, and the subject has become virtually taboo for the population at large. One of Jones\u2019 converts, Tim Carter, explained, \u2018Telling people about socialism in America, you\u2019d get 20 people. But as a preacher you could get a large audience.\u2019 In semipublic services in the early 1970s, as a sort of bait to the interested, Jones would allude to deeper truths than those he was presenting, much as gnostics and mystics had done before him. By the mid-1970s, he became more and more explicit about his socialist vision\u2026 The deception of using religion to promote socialism dissipated for followers as they came to know their leader more intimately, but the persistence of the church front sustained a public relations fa\u00e7ade that legitimated the group within established society and attracted support of politicians and other notables, many of whom might otherwise have steered clear of the socialist messiah.[31]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Therefore, while religious tenets existed within Peoples Temple, Jones planned to push his radical agenda onto his followers even before the formation of the church in the mid-1950s. Posing as a purely Christian church was an ideal hiding place for a radical group such as Peoples Temple. Jones recognized this strategy and actively pursued it.<\/p>\n Radical Ideology of Peoples Temple in Indianapolis<\/strong><\/p>\n Jones\u2019 radical ideas, present from the start of his career as a preacher, came to the forefront as years passed. Jones recalls, \u201cIn the early years I approached Christendom from a communal standpoint with only intermittent mention of my Marxist views. However in later years there was not ever a person who attended my meetings that did not hear me say I was a Communist. And that is what is very strange that all these years I survived without being exposed.\u201d[32]<\/a> This comment shows that Jones\u2019 Peoples Temple began as an insular, private church in which its members accepted his distortion of Marxism in exchange for the non-secular message many followers came to hear.<\/p>\n Furthermore, Jones used biblical passages to support his communist and socialist message. He often cited from the New Testament, relaying to his followers, \u201cDistribution was made unto every man according as he had need\u201d (Acts 4:35).[33]<\/a> By using the Bible as support for his radical agenda, Jones convinced the more religious members of Peoples Temple to believe that positive aspects of socialism and communism could find a place within a religious group.<\/p>\n In a sermon most likely given in Indianapolis in 1957 or 1958, Jones already gave praise to communism and its leaders:<\/p>\n In just 40 years\u2019 time, Communism has arisen. It\u2019s a challenge to God\u2019s people. It has its own Bible, dialectic materialism. It has its Messiah, Karl Marx. It has its prophets, the Khrushchevs \u2026you don\u2019t want to write him off. Don\u2019t want to write him off, because certainly he\u2019s a talented man of great ability, and the Soviets are way beyond us in scope, beyond our imagination in scientific development.\u201d[34]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Already Jones was pushing his radical agenda by communicating to Peoples Temple members the greatness of the Communist Party and the advancements the Party had made in the Soviet Union.<\/p>\n Jones continued this sermon by tearing down Jesus in favor of the communists. He claimed Jesus was \u201cout with the drunks, out with the harlots, out in the red light district in the back alley, out\u2026dining with\u2026sinners, because they called him a winebibber and a glutton, didn\u2019t they?\u201d This vitriol most likely referenced Luke 7:34 (\u201cThe Son of man is come eating and drinking; and ye say, Behold a gluttonous man, and a winebibber, a friend of publicans and sinners!\u201d)[35]<\/a> Jones continues, \u201cWe are all holier than thou, I tell you, I\u2019ve got as much use for him, why, you know before I\u2019d join some of these outfits, before I\u2019d join some of these Pentecostal outfits, I\u2019d join the Communist Party and say Hail Stalin\u2026 I\u2019m so sick of it, I believe a Communist\u2019ll have a better chance of gettin\u2019 through than this so-called pack of wolves that call themselves the Church of God.\u201d[36]<\/a> This sermon exemplifies Jones\u2019 radical beliefs and shows that he was not keeping his communist ideology hidden but passing his beliefs onto his followers as early as Peoples Temple\u2019s time in Indianapolis.<\/p>\n Peoples Temple\u2019s Political Involvement in California<\/strong><\/p>\n Jones\u2019 desire for political involvement in society became more apparent after Peoples Temple\u2019s move to California in the 1960s. In one sermon given in 1972, Jones proclaimed, \u201cWe say, oh the church shouldn\u2019t have anything to do with government. Oh, yes it should, the government is upon his shoulders. We have to get involved with politics\u2026 It\u2019s your duty.\u201d[37]<\/a> This statement marks a major shift as Jones called on his members to actively pursue political endeavors.<\/p>\n Jones\u2019 call to action was realized in San Francisco, California. Peoples Temple members mobilized in large numbers for liberal candidates, including mayoral candidate George Moscone. This support for a politician was one of the first instances during which the public began to see Peoples Temple not only as a church but as an active political force. Long-standing Peoples Temple members had listened to Jones\u2019 radical ideology and push for political involvement for years, so the shift from isolated church to political activism in the public sphere did not surprise them.[38]<\/a> Grateful to Jones and his followers for their involvement in the community, Moscone relayed the following to the Reverend:<\/p>\n Your contributions to the spiritual health and well-being of our community have been truly inestimable, and I am heartened by the fact that we can continue to expect such vigorous and creative leadership from the Peoples Temple in the future. By your tireless efforts on behalf of all San Franciscans, you have demonstrated that the unique powers of spiritual energy and civic commitment are virtually boundless, and that our lives would be sadly diminished without your continuing contributions.[39]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n After the election of Moscone, which many people have attributed to the help of Peoples Temple members, the congregation began to be recognized on the political scene. During the 1976 political campaign, Jones and an entourage of approximately fifteen bodyguards met with Rosalynn Carter, wife of Democratic Party candidate Jimmy Carter. Jones, \u201clooking more like a country-and-western singer than a minister,\u201d was also present to greet and meet with Walter Mondale when the vice-presidential candidate arrived in San Francisco in 1976.[40]<\/a> Jones implored his followers to vote for Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern in 1972, stating in a sermon that McGovern was \u201cone of the better ones. I\u2019d say that of all the lesser evil, all of you\u2014you got your right mind\u2014will vote for McGovern at this particular juncture. I don\u2019t like to choose between the lesser of, of devils, or opportunities or alternatives, but it\u2019s realistic.\u201d He continues, \u201cHumpty Dumpty\u201d [Hubert Humphrey] would\u2019ve been a better candidate than \u201cTricky Dick\u201d [Richard Nixon].[41]<\/a> Although Jones increased his political involvement, he still had suspicions about the candidates, even the liberal ones.<\/p>\n Jones also increased his public visibility in politics after his appointment to the San Francisco Housing Committee as a member and later as its chair by Moscone.[42]<\/a> In exchange for this appointment, Moscone utilized members of Peoples Temple, a group of \u201c\u2018hundreds of people from the church at [Moscone\u2019s] disposal at a moment\u2019s notice, [who were] knocking on doors, packing rallies, papering the entire city with posters and flyers. It was zero-cost, total effectiveness,\u2019\u201d journalist Phil Tracy explains in an interview with Leigh Fondakowski,[43]<\/a> Peoples Temple members heeded Jones\u2019 call to action, influencing politics in California with their large numbers.<\/p>\n Jones and his followers also became activists for social causes in California. In an article printed in the San Francisco Chronicle <\/em>September 4, 1970, the author writes of Peoples Temples\u2019 efforts to raise money for the families of policemen killed in the line of duty. Jones proclaimed the following:<\/p>\n We are utterly horrified by this move to murder police all over this nation\u2026 It\u2019s high time that we let people know that not everyone who is opposed to the war and for social justice hates policemen\u2026 We quit marching long ago. We feel positive activism is the only way to achieve change now. We\u2019ve been threatened by extremists ourselves. But violence like this is utter insanity. It\u2019s time we do something, or else we\u2019re going to esd [end] up with state fascism.[44]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n These achievements show that members of Peoples Temple immersed themselves in political and social causes throughout the years. Under Jones\u2019 direction, Temple members believed the church should take an active role in politics. Jones attained his goal of leading political and social involvement by placing himself in the same group as the oppressed, warning listeners of a potential fascist takeover that could result without active political participation.<\/p>\n Jones fretted openly about political and social apathy in the United States. Bob Levering of the San Francisco Bay Guardian<\/em> wrote in 1977 that Jones \u201csaw signs of apathy in the rise of Nazism in this country and the possible rise of fascism as the economy gets worse.\u201d He reported that Jones saw this indifference as one reason the CIA \u201cgot away with giving money to support the despotic regimes in Iran and Chile and why the American criminal justice system punishes poor defendants severely and lets off rich ones.\u201d Levering concludes, \u201cJim Jones has made his share of enemies for his political stands, but no one accuses him of being a hypocrite.\u201d[45]<\/a><\/p>\n Bob Levering accurately described Jones as non-hypocritical, for the Reverend pushed his radical agenda in the arena of social justice, equality, and liberal politics, not just with rhetoric but with action. Ray Steele, staff writer for the Fresno Bee<\/em>, summed up Peoples Temple\u2019s involvement in California politics in an article titled \u201cPeoples Temple: Service to Fellow Man,\u201d printed September 19, 1976. In the article, Steele writes that in the past year (1975-1976), Peoples Temple\u2019s donations helped keep a medical clinic in San Francisco open that otherwise would have been closed; benefitted research in the areas of cancer, heart disease, and sickle-cell anemia; supported educational broadcasting through KQED; provided cash to families in need, particularly those of slain law enforcement officers; increased the treasuries of groups fighting hunger, constructing schools, and building hospitals; and aided civil rights causes, both financially and through demonstrations. Steele writes, \u201cJones admits he doesn\u2019t adhere to fundamentalist teachings of the Bible, but is driven by his oft-repeated phrase of serving his fellow man.\u201d[46]<\/a> Steele recognized Jim Jones and his Peoples Temple\u2019s social action in San Francisco, but also the group\u2019s move away from traditional Christianity, which exemplifies Jones\u2019 push for a more radical agenda than before.<\/p>\n Praised for his community work benefitting minorities and the poor in the late 1970s, Jones won several prestigious awards. These awards included the Fourth Annual Martin Luther King, Jr. Humanitarian Award in 1977.[47]<\/a> The Reverend was named Humanitarian of the Year by the Los Angeles Herald<\/em>[48]<\/a>, prompting Jones to call 1976 the \u201cYear of [His] Ascendancy.\u201d[49]<\/a> Most publicity about Peoples Temple and Jim Jones remained positive from 1972 to 1976, the years during which the group congregated in California. However, this seemingly unending praise shifted as journalists Lester Kinsolving, Phil Tracy, and Marshall Kilduff began to report negative stories expressing concern about Jones\u2019 role in Peoples Temple, particularly as a healer.[50]<\/a> These condemning articles most likely led to Jones\u2019 retreat from San Francisco politics and spurred his move to Jonestown, Guyana.<\/p>\n Communism and Socialism in Peoples Temple<\/strong><\/p>\n Jim Jones\u2019 ideology regarding communal living did not begin in Jonestown. Prior to the move to Guyana, Jones and Peoples Temple experimented with collectivist ideas. Journalist Phil Tracy recalls Jones saying that he was \u201cfeeding six hundred, seven hundred, eight hundred people a night in shifts! And they had access to things that as individual families these poor people never would have had access to\u2026 So I didn\u2019t come into this thing thinking Jones was a freak because he was a collectivist\u2026 In fact, I thought he was on to something. The collectivist part worked. I thought that worked\u2026 But nonetheless, I came into it with great suspicion.\u201d[51]<\/a> Tracy\u2019s suspicions proved correct, as he also wrote of Jones\u2019 misappropriation of California State funds given to Peoples Temple for foster care. Jones and the Temple would receive an \u201caverage of $5 a night for supper, and Jones was feeding them for fifty-five cents, and the difference went into Peoples Temple\u2019s coffers.\u201d[52]<\/a> Jones\u2019 statements show how some of his early collectivist ideas worked but that they were already corrupted by the mismanagement of state funds.<\/p>\n After Peoples Temple migrated to Guyana and established the Peoples Temple Agricultural Project, better known as Jonestown, Jones pushed his socialist agenda to the forefront. Jones required that his people, from the children to the elderly, be educated about the tenets of socialism. Jones read from Tass, the Soviet news agency, over the loudspeaker system nearly every day, with quizzes to follow. Some of the members of Peoples Temple changed their names to Ch\u00e9 (Guevara), Stalin, and Lenin, \u201cthough Jones cautioned them to give their birth names when questioned by reporters,\u201d[53]<\/a> so as not to reveal how radical the church had become politically. This evolution could have sparked public interest and investigation into Peoples Temple, which Jones feared.<\/p>\n Jones continued his anti-capitalist and pro-communist rhetoric in Jonestown. Speaking to the Jonestown community on February 2nd<\/sup>, 1978 Jones declared,<\/p>\n We would like to look for critical reviews, at one insider\u2019s view of the Communist Party USA. In order for fascism to be avoided, there has to be a strong communist party, a strong socialist movement, and free, independent strong trade union [unions], none of which exist in USA, and that is why to avoid your utter destruction, materially most of you, and murder of the rest, I brought you here to regroup, recoup, rehabilitate and gain strength, and militancy, and a proper education in Marxist-Leninism, which you had never picked up, even though I was avowedly, openly Marxist-Leninist and atheist, you have never picked it up, for the most part, in the United States, except for a handful.[54]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Within the same address, Jones praised the Soviet Union and Cuba for their commitment to communism and pushed for revolution in the \u201cpuppet regime\u201d of the United States. \u201cIt\u2019s important that we keep our radical history and our radical perspective,\u201d Jones implores. This sermon shows Jones\u2019 radical thoughts during Peoples Temple\u2019s time in Guyana but also harkens back to an earlier time, as Jones speaks of \u201ckeep[ing]\u201d the church\u2019s radicalism.[55]<\/a><\/p>\n Jones\u2019 commitment to his communist and socialist dream would manifest further in Guyana. Demonstrating his dedication to his radical causes, Jones led his congregation with socialist-themed songs to create unity among his people:<\/p>\n Jones:<\/strong> Take your hand to your neighbor, please. The key of my song been, that all these years I\u2019ve had no dying, and this is my theme. (Organ plays) (Sings) \u201cThere\u2019ll be no dying,\/ There shall be no dying,\/ With socialism our leader,\/ There shall be no dying.\u201d (Speaks) Let\u2019s make it so. Take your neighbor\u2019s hand and lift it high. (Sings) \u201cThere shall be no dying,\/ There shall be no dying,\/ Oh, socialism is our leader,\/ And there\u2019ll be\u2014\u201d<\/p>\n Congregation:<\/strong> (singing) no dying.<\/p>\n Jones:<\/strong> See, socialism is love. Love is God. God is socialism. Draw close and hug your neighbor close to you\u2026 Draw close\u2026 Get on board, little children. Get on board. Be good socialists, and we\u2019ll cause the kingdoms of this capitalist world to be no more, and become the kingdoms of God and socialism.[56]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n <\/p>\n Jones hoped to create a socialist utopian commune that would rival the United States\u2019 capitalist society. \u201cThe Jonestown utopia \u2026 became a new center, an axis mundi<\/em>, in the geographical imagination of the Peoples Temple. Jonestown was the new \u2018city upon a hill,\u2019 a utopian model for a socialist community that Jones claimed had become the center of attention for the rest of the world,\u201d Chidester explains in Salvation and Suicide<\/em>. Aware of the attention Jonestown received in the United States, Jones emphasized the importance of his radical commune during his Jonestown community meetings. \u201c\u2018It\u2019s the only U.S. communist society alive,\u2019\u201d Jones remarked at a rally in 1978. \u201c\u2018We sure as hell don\u2019t want to let that down.\u2019\u201d[59]<\/a><\/p>\n After the move to Jonestown, Jones warned his followers of the potential of danger back in the United States. \u201c[The United States] has always had to have a war or a depression. I tell you, we\u2019re in danger tonight, from a corporate dictatorship. We\u2019re in danger from a great fascist state \u2026 and if [we] don\u2019t build a utopian society, build an egalitarian society, we\u2019re going to be in trouble.\u201d[60]<\/a> These types of statements alarmed loyal Peoples Temple members, who had access only to news Jones relayed to them.[61]<\/a><\/p>\n In 1974, Jones spoke of the condition of the United States: \u201cSure, it\u2019s quiet. But the enemy notices all of that. Who is the enemy? The rich. The love of money is the root of all evil. Capitalism, the oppressive racism, that is your enemy, and they know your every move.\u201d[62]<\/a> This condemnation of the United States demonstrates Jones\u2019 very vocal and radical anti-capitalist beliefs years before the end of Jonestown in 1978, placing himself and Peoples Temple members in an \u201cus versus them\u201d state.<\/p>\n Jones began to proclaim not only his own socialist tendencies, but those of his people, condemning non-believers. \u201cI\u2019m so purely socialistic and some of my family is so purely socialistic, some of the members of this glorious Temple are so purely socialistic, that you\u2019d be glad to work to see that everyone had the same kind of house, the same kind of cars\u2026 People are so afraid of socialism. They\u2019re so terrified. They say, \u2018What\u2019ll it do to us?\u2019 Why, you poor people.\u201d[63]<\/a> This musing shows Jones believed his congregation had shifted from a purely religious group to one focused on pursuing the socialist dream and that those who were not socialists were to be pitied.<\/p>\n However, Jones\u2019 socialist dream was never fully realized. Although Jones claimed equality among his people, later reports stated Jones and the church took money from Peoples Temple members. Guyanese soldiers allegedly found approximately one half-million dollars in cash and envelopes filled with Social Security checks signed over to the church. The author of an article in the November 21, 1978 edition of the San Francisco Examiner<\/em> also states:<\/p>\n In addition, there was a report that another half-million dollars in gold was found at the camp. Ex-temple members put the church\u2019s assets much higher, however, with some estimates ranging as high as $10 million\u2026 While Jones and the church grew wealthy, the members of his congregation were virtually poverty-stricken, ex-cultists have reported. Casual visitors to temple services were asked to contribute what they could to the church\u2019s humanitarian works, full-fledged members living outside the church were required to pledge 25 percent of their earnings to the temple and church commune members were pressured into giving all their income and often property to the church. Pleas for money never stopped.[64]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Therefore, although Jones claimed to be living the \u201csocialist dream,\u201d wealth disparity did exist between Temple members and Jones. Nevertheless, Jones provided for his followers with schools, hospitals, and other facilities to make Peoples Temple members\u2019 time in Guyana habitable.<\/p>\n However, this utopian dream ended abruptly on November 18, 1978. After Jones called for the murder-suicides of Peoples Temple members that day, only one dissenter can be heard on the final audiotape. The dissenter was sixty-year-old Christine Miller, an African American woman whom had been a Peoples Temple member for many years. She asked Jones if it was \u201ctoo late for Russia,\u201d referring to an earlier plan to move to the Communist nation. Jones responded that Russia would no longer accept the group because after the deaths of Congressman Leo Ryan and his entourage at the hands of the Peoples Temple members earlier that day, the group would be stigmatized.[65]<\/a> \u201cI feel like as long as there\u2019s life, there\u2019s hope. That\u2019s my faith,\u201d Miller can be heard saying on the infamous \u201cDeath Tape\u201d recorded the last day of Jonestown\u2019s existence. She claimed to be unafraid of death, yet said, \u201cBut I look at the babies and I think they deserve to live, you know? When we destroy ourselves, we\u2019re defeated. We let them, the enemies, defeat us.\u201d[66]<\/a> Her ideas were shouted down by Jones and members of the Temple. Despite her protests, Christine Miller died in Jonestown with over nine hundred others on November 18, 1978.[67]<\/a><\/p>\n Loyal to Jones until the end, one of Jones\u2019 nurses, Jonestown scholar and historian Rebecca Moore\u2019s sister Annie Moore, wrote in a diary entry that Jones was \u201c\u2018the most honest, loving, caring concerned person whom I ever met and knew.\u2019\u201d She continues,<\/p>\n What a beautiful place this was. The children loved the jungle, learned about animals and plants. There were no cars to run over them; no child-molesters to molest them; nobody to hurt them. They were the freest, most intelligent children I have ever known. Seniors had dignity. They had whatever they wanted\u2014a plot of land for a garden. Seniors were treated with respect\u2014something they never had in the United States. A rare few were sick, and when they were, they were given the best medical care.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n At the bottom of the page, written in a different color, Annie Moore penned, \u201cWe died because you would not let us live in peace.\u201d Rebecca Moore speculates that this journal entry was written November 18th<\/sup>, 1978 during the suicides.[68]<\/a> This sentiment shows the support Peoples Temple members still showed for Jones in their final days. Many followers still believed in the socialist utopian dream in Jonestown and would die for the cause. Most died by cyanide poisoning. Only Jones and Annie Moore would die from gunshot wounds to the head.[69]<\/a> While Moore\u2019s wound was undoubtedly self-inflicted, there was no definitive determination on whether Jones killed himself or whether someone else fired the fatal shot.<\/p>\n According to historian Rebecca Moore, in a final move to show his commitment to the Communist Party, Jones left everything to the organization in his will, dated October 1977.[70]<\/a> A conflicting report printed in the San Francisco Examiner<\/em> on February 8, 1979 states that Jones\u2019 will, dated August 6, 1977, left his estate to his wife, Marceline Jones, and five of his seven children. In the event of the entire Jones family\u2019s death, the Reverend\u2019s assets would be left to the Communist Party. Because his two daughters were left out of the will and three of his five sons survived the massacre at Jonestown, Jones\u2019 money and properties were not given to the CPUSA.[71]<\/a> Still, the inclusion of the Communist Party in Jones\u2019 will shows his commitment to the cause even after his death.<\/p>\n Political Aftermath<\/strong><\/p>\n After the deaths of over nine hundred members of Peoples Temple, including Jones himself, politicians expressed conflicting viewpoints about their associations with the Reverend. In an opinion piece in an edition of the San Francisco Examiner<\/em> dated November 22, 1978, four days after the murder-suicides in Guyana, an article was headlined \u201cJones and the Politicians.\u201d The unnamed author of the article writes, \u201cAt least George Moscone [the mayor of San Francisco] is willing to admit he made a mistake in sizing up the charismatic leader of the Peoples Temple, and appointing Jim Jones to head the city Housing Authority.\u201d However, continues the reporter, some would never go back on their associations with Jones because the Reverend did good works for the community. \u201cA few of these politicians will fashion for themselves a platform of sanctimony high in the ozone of ultraliberalism and maintain that until the Judgment Day that Jones really was a lovely and \u2018sensitive\u2019 fellow when they knew him (and got his political support).\u201d[72]<\/a><\/p>\n In the same article, Assemblyman Willie Brown of San Francisco continued to show his support for Jim Jones. Brown said on November 22, 1978 that he had \u201c\u2018no regrets\u2019\u201d about his \u201c\u2018past associations\u2019\u201d with Jones. \u201cThe truth is,\u201d writes the author of the opinion article, \u201cthat [Jones] had become liberal chic [in San Francisco] and was embraced by people who wanted his support and didn\u2019t ask enough questions. We hope this will be a lesson to our leaders not to cater to whatever flaky group comes along, in an effort to capitalize off it politically. In the meantime, a little remorse is in order from some parties.\u201d[73]<\/a><\/p>\n Jesse Jackson maintained a positive view of Jones, arguing that Reverend Jones was a man who \u201c\u2018worked for the people\u2019\u201d and that he would defend Jones \u201c\u2018until all the facts [were] in.\u2019\u201d Jackson stated, \u201c[Jones] felt great concern for the locked out, for the despaired, for the handicapped, for the minorities \u2026 and that impressed me. As a result of that, he attracted a great following, and I would hope that all of the good he did will not be discounted because of this tremendous tragedy.\u2019\u201d[74]<\/a><\/p>\n These articles show that in the days following the death of Peoples Temple\u2019s members, confusion and ambivalence surrounded the event. Politicians and prominent community members were unsure of how to react to the tragedy. While some stood by Jones, others condemned his actions at Jonestown. Nevertheless, Jones and Peoples Temple\u2019s political impact in Indianapolis and San Francisco did not go unrecognized.<\/p>\n Conclusion and Analysis<\/strong><\/p>\n The Reverend Jim Jones, a radical before the foundation of his church in the mid-1950s, claimed to purposefully infuse Peoples Temple with his unorthodox beliefs. His ideology included support for communism, Marxism, and socialism in an environment that did not condone such beliefs, as exemplified through the anti-communist McCarthyism of the 1950s. Jones did not hide his radical practices, attending Communist Party meetings and preaching subversive, anti-capitalist messages to his congregation. Radicalism within Peoples Temple intensified as religious messages were pushed aside in favor of Jones\u2019 increasing calls to political and social action in Indiana and California. Jones amplified his anti-capitalist rhetoric and transformed his once more traditional Pentecostal church into a socialist utopian commune: Jonestown, located in the isolated jungles of Guyana.<\/p>\n Jim Jones was not the first to attempt a utopian experiment. Eighteenth-century socialist philosophers, including Henri de Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier, and Robert Owen, indicate a lineage of socialist and communal thought that has persisted for centuries. Fourier and Owen created socialist utopias \u2013 the communities of Harmony and New Harmony, respectively \u2013 in the United States. Fourier and Owen\u2019s communal experiments ultimately proved unsuccessful, but did not end in the self-destructive, violent manner of the Peoples Temple Agricultural Project in Jonestown.<\/p>\n Marxism, a major part of Jones\u2019 rhetoric, particularly in the later years of Peoples Temple\u2019s existence, perverted the authors of The Communist Manifesto<\/em>\u2019s original intent. Jones prepared his \u201cown brand\u201d of Marxism, which he relayed to his followers. Jones purported to be operating a religious group rather than a radical counterculture movement. The latter more accurately describes Peoples Temple, particularly in its later years. This strategy proved mostly effective in the 1950s during the McCarthy era in the United States as communists were persecuted and outcast from society. Until the last day of Peoples Temples\u2019 existence on November 18th<\/sup>, 1978, Jones maintained his Marxist viewpoint and commitment to the communist cause.<\/p>\n Jones exercised his liberal radicalism in San Francisco, mobilizing his Peoples Temple to aid Democratic candidates during the early to mid-1970s. He served on committees to benefit the underclass of American society and was rewarded with appointments to community boards and meetings with high-profile Democrats. The time spent in San Francisco indicates Jones\u2019 move toward more public involvement in politics, with which he strongly believed the church had a responsibility to be involved.<\/p>\n After the move to Guyana and the establishment of Jonestown, Jones increased his anti-capitalist and pro-communist and socialist rhetoric. No longer did Jones believe he and his Peoples Temple could enact political or social change within the United States. For Jones and his people, the migration to a newly created socialist commune in the isolated nation of Guyana became the only solution to escape the perceived evils of the United States. This commune would become the site of over nine hundred deaths as Jones convinced his followers they were protesting the inhumane capitalist system that existed in the United States.<\/p>\n The death of Peoples Temple caused much confusion as politicians, clergymen, news reporters, and others grappled with the meaning of the tragedy. Some condemned Jones while others continued to recognize his positive work within the community, particularly in San Francisco. Jim Jones has remained a controversial political figure. While he strove to improve life for minorities and other oppressed groups, he also destroyed his utopian socialist dream in Guyana though the mass murder and suicides of Peoples Temple members. Still, Jones\u2019 radical beliefs and actions persisted until his last day, as indicated by his call for \u201crevolutionary suicide,\u201d enacted November 18, 1978 in Jonestown.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Bibliography<\/strong><\/p>\n American Experience. \u201cJonestown: The Life and Death of Peoples Temple: The Complete Transcript.\u201d PBS.org. Accessed March 15, 2015. https:\/\/www-tc.pbs.org\/wgbh\/americanexperience\/media\/pdf\/transcript\/Jonestown_transcript.pdf<\/a>.<\/p>\n \u201cAnti-War Church Tries Another Way.\u201d San Francisco Chronicle<\/em>. September 4, 1970. MS 4125, Box 1, Folder 2. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n Carmony, Donald F. and Josephine M. Elliott. \u201cNew Harmony, Indiana: Robert Owen\u2019s Seedbed for Utopia.\u201d Indiana Magazine of History<\/em> 76, no. 3 (September 1980): 161-261.<\/p>\n Chidester, David. Salvation and Suicide: Jim Jones, the Peoples Temple and Jonestown<\/i><\/a>. Indianapolis, IN: University of Indiana Press, 2003.<\/p>\n Engels, Friedrich. Socialism: Utopian and Scientific<\/em>. Translated by Edward Averling. 1880. Reprint, New York, NY: International Publishers, 2004.<\/p>\n Fondakowski, Leigh. Stories from Jonestown<\/em>. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minneapolis Press, 2013.<\/p>\n Fried, Albert, ed. Socialism in America: From the Shakers to the Third International, A Documentary History<\/em>. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1970.<\/p>\n Hall, John R. Gone from the Promised Land: Jonestown in American Cultural History<\/em>. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2004.<\/p>\n \u201cJesse Jackson Stands by Jones.\u201d San Francisco Examiner<\/em>. November 21, 1978, p. 3. MS 4125, Oversize Box 1. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n Jones, Jim. \u201cJim\u2019s Commentary about Himself, 1977-1978.\u201d The Jonestown Institute. Accessed May 16, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/10\/JJAutobio1.pdf<\/a>.<\/p>\n \u201cJones\u2019 Last Will: Estate to Wife, 5 of 7 Children.\u201d San Francisco Examiner<\/em>. February 8, 1979, front page. MS 4125, Oversize Box 1. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n \u201cJones and the Politicians.\u201d San Francisco Examiner<\/em>. November 22, 1978, p. 30. MS 4125, Oversize Box 1. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ134 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed May 18, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=27339<\/a>.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ162 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed May 18, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=27350<\/a>.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ235 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed June 14, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=27388<\/a>.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ929 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed May 18, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=27617.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ932 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed May 18, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=27618<\/a>.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ1058-2 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed June 4, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=28034<\/a>.<\/p>\n The Jonestown Institute. \u201cQ1058-3 Transcript.\u201d Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed May 25, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=27330<\/a>.<\/p>\n Lane, Mark. The Strongest Poison<\/em>. New York, NY: Hawthorn Books, 1980.<\/p>\n Leopold, David. \u201cEducation and Utopia: Robert Owen and Charles Fourier.\u201d Oxford Review of Education<\/em> 37, no. 5 (October 2011): 619-635. Accessed July 15, 2015. http:\/\/web.a.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu\/ehost\/pdfviewer\/pdfviewer?sid=e4abf5c9-d930-4121-8906-2dbf596cc8de%40sessionmgr4005&vid=1&hid=4201<\/a>.<\/p>\n Maaga, Mary McCormick. Hearing the Voices of Jonestown<\/i><\/a>. New York, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1998.<\/p>\n Marx, Karl and Friedrich Engels. The Communist Manifesto<\/em>. Translated by Samuel Moore. 1848. Reprint, New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, Inc., 1964.<\/p>\n Moore, Rebecca. A Sympathetic History of Jonestown: The Moore Family Involvement in the Peoples Temple<\/em><\/a>. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1985.<\/p>\n Moore, Rebecca. Understanding Jonestown and Peoples Temple<\/em>. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2009.<\/p>\n Muravchik, Joshua. \u201cMarxism.\u201d Foreign Policy<\/em>, no. 133 (November-December 2002): 36-38.<\/p>\n Newman, Michael. Socialism: A Very Short Introduction<\/em>. New York, NY: University of Oxford Press, 2005.<\/p>\n \u201cPeoples Temple Endorsement Packets.\u201d The Jonestown Institute. Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed July 9, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=18355<\/a>.<\/p>\n Reiterman, Tim and John Jacobs. Raven: The Untold Story of the Rev. Jim Jones and His People<\/em>. New York, NY: Penguin Group, 1982.<\/p>\n \u201cRev. King Awards Given at Glide.\u201d San Francisco Chronicle<\/em>. January 17, 1977. MS 4125, Box 1, Folder 3. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n Roller, Edith. \u201cFebruary 1978 Journals.\u201d The Jonestown Institute. Alternative Considerations of Jonestown & Peoples Temple. Accessed June 3, 2015. http:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/?page_id=35693<\/a>.<\/p>\n Rose, Steve. Jesus and Jim Jones<\/a><\/i>. New York, NY: The Pilgrim Press, 1979.<\/p>\n Steele, Ray. \u201cPeoples Temple: Service to Fellow Man.\u201d Fresno Bee<\/em>. September 19, 1976. MS 4125, Box 1, Folder 2. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n \u201cTemple\u2019s Riches Found at Death Site.\u201d San Francisco Examiner<\/em>. November 21, 1978, front page. MS 4125, Oversize Box 1. California Historical Society, San Francisco, CA.<\/p>\n Tyler, Alice Felt. Freedom\u2019s Ferment: Phases of American Social History to 1860<\/em>. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1944.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Notes<\/strong><\/p>\n [1]<\/a> Michael Newman, Socialism: A Very Short Introduction<\/em> (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005), 6-7.<\/p>\n [2]<\/a> Newman, Socialism<\/em>, 7.<\/p>\n [3]<\/a> Friedrich Engels, Socialism: Utopian and Scientific<\/em>, trans. by Edward Averling (1880; repr., New York, NY: International Publishers, 2004), 31.<\/p>\n [4]<\/a> Newman, 10.<\/p>\n [5]<\/a> David Leopold, \u201cEducation and Utopia: Robert Owen and Charles Fourier,\u201d ![\"\"](\"https:\/\/jonestown.sdsu.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/03\/414jwGHKraL._SL500_.jpg\")
<\/a>Jones and his people planned to move to the Soviet Union or another Communist nation. By the time the group reached Guyana, prominent Temple members began to meet with representatives from North Korea, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union representatives were the most receptive to Jones, and \u201cfrom youngest to oldest, everyone in Jonestown studied Russian in anticipation of a possible move there.\u201d[57]<\/a> In a journal entry dated February 3rd<\/sup>, 1978, Jonestown resident Edith Roller recorded, \u201cSocialism classes met at 7:30 \u2013 all members of Jonestown are divided into groups for this discussion. Introduction to Socialism<\/em> by\u00a0Leo Huberman and Paul M. Sweezy is used as a text. Only the teachers have copies. The classes are so close together with little barrier between them that it is hard for the teachers to make themselves heard.\u201d In her February 1978 journal entries, Roller recalls reading Radicalism in America<\/em> during her time in Jonestown.[58]<\/a> These instances indicate the growing radical nature of Peoples Temple. No longer was the Bible the main source of inspiration in the church; instead, books about socialism and radicalism became required reading for Peoples Temple members.<\/p>\n