[Editor’s note: Jack Rovillard was one of the students in Prof. Alexandra Prince’s class on Peoples Temple and Jonestown at Skidmore College in the Spring of 2025 who assisted in the transcription of letters from Jonestown residents. This is the paper he wrote about his experiences in working with the text.]
Throughout this semester, I spent countless hours transcribing the voices of Peoples Temple members. These letters and reflections, most of which were written in the final year of Jonestown’s existence, gave me a deeper understanding of the people behind the headlines. When I first started this process, I imagined it would be a straightforward academic assignment, something like decoding history through documents. A transcription is not just about just typing someone else’s words; it is about listening, interpreting, and, at times, sitting with uncomfortable truths. These handwritten notes, often scratched out, misspelled, and emotionally jumbled, offered more than just information. They offered pieces of real people grappling with ideology, fear, conviction, and even doubt. There was nothing simple or clean about it. This is what I believe made this process so powerful.
The act of transcribing as a whole was an extremely intimate experience. Some lines were very difficult to read, and others were repeated or trailed off as if the writer could not quite finish their thought. I found myself pausing often, not because the writing was hard to decipher, but because the feelings behind the text were so raw. It forced me to ask myself who these people were and what they were going through when they wrote these words. I started to feel like I was being let into something private, something meant to stay within the bounds of their community. This was especially true when the language became personal or confessional, and I realized that each page was not just a record of belief but a snapshot of internal conflict, fear, or hope. These were not polished manifestos; they were letters from a struggling community in the world trying to hold itself together.
One of the most emotional documents I worked on throughout the semester was the letter written by Debby Jenson (EE-1-DAT-18). Her writing is brutally honest and, at times, disturbing. She reflects on her work with the children of Jonestown, which clearly brought her joy, but that joy exists side by side with intense guilt and anger. She blames herself for not reporting her abusive husband and expresses shame over what she sees as selfish behavior, such as buying personal hygiene products instead of donating more fully to the community. Then, without much warning, she describes imagining the murder of traitors. The emotional swings in that letter say a lot about the psychological atmosphere inside Jonestown. Every part of Debby’s life had been politicized. Even private thoughts or basic needs became measures of loyalty. It is this sense of total commitment and total surveillance that makes the letter so alarming.
Her words made me think of Eugene Smith’s reflections in Stories from Jonestown, where he describes the emotional weight of living under constant ideological pressure. He talks about clutching his wife Ollie during the White Night meetings, unsure if they were saying goodbye or protecting one another (Fondakowski 2013, 240). Debby’s letter does not describe the pavilion or the poison, but it lives in that same world. It is a world where love and obedience are inseparable. It also made me think about what it means to survive within a movement that demands everything from you; not just your labor or your trust, but your thoughts, your shame, and even your silence.
Another letter that left a deep impression on me came from page 191 from the same set of transcriptions as Debby Jensons. The author gives a breakdown of South Africa’s system, describing how families were separated, children starved, and Black citizens controlled through passing laws. This was not just a critique of a foreign government but a reflection on structures of oppression that the Temple believed they were escaping. The writer seems to be drawing a connection between their own lives and the suffering in South Africa, almost as if to say, “This is why we came here. This is what we are running from.” The letter felt like both a warning and a justification. If they were not careful, the violence of the outside world could seep back into Jonestown. The writing gave me a sense of how politically aware many Temple members were and how they used that awareness to fuel their belief in the mission.
This same type of thinking appears again in the anonymous letter coded EE-1-DAT-19, which reads more like a pamphlet than a personal letter. The author lists anti-colonial movements from all over the world and frames Jonestown as part of that resistance. It is an intense document, one that includes a desire to attack multinational corporations like Chase Manhattan Bank and Ford. That kind of rhetoric shocked me at first but the more I sat with it, the more I understood that this person did not see themselves as isolated or radical. They believed they were part of a global war for justice. Duchess Harris and Adam John Waterman describe this mindset as “cognitive mapping,” a way for Temple members to locate themselves within global systems of oppression and resistance (Haris and Waterman 2004, 104). The letter made me wonder what happens when that map becomes more real than the world around you, when the enemy is everywhere and the cause becomes your entire identity.
In another document I worked on, Laura Johnston (EE-1-DAT-22) wrote a letter that read more like an intelligence report than a personal reflection. She tracked Guyana’s shifting political alignments and its economic relations with socialist countries like Cuba and the Soviet Union. Although her tone was unemotional, it revealed how invested members like Laura were in understanding geopolitics as it related to the community’s survival. These kinds of reflections complicate the narrative that Jonestown residents were in fact detached from the world.
One of the most important things that I concluded from these transcriptions was the overall range of emotion and ideology in these letters. One moment you are reading something that sounds like a government memo, and the next you are deep in someone’s emotional breakdown. The letter from page 192, for example, dives into apartheid-era violence with a much more emotional tone than Johnston’s. The writer seems to be mourning. It felt like reading a eulogy, a warning, and a rallying cry all at once. Then there is the letter from page 193. This one was difficult to get through. The author describes their hatred of capitalism and dreams of organizing violent, synchronized attacks on corporate leaders. It is hard not to recoil from that kind of thinking, but it also forced me to ask what it would take for someone to write something like that. What kind of world were they reacting to? What kind of pain or fear made that feel logical? This was not just about violence for its own sake. It was about a community that believed it had been pushed to the brink and was prepared to push back. Whether or not I agree with their conclusions, I had to sit there in tune with my own emotions and try to understand it on their terms.
The idea of death (suicide) becomes more prominent in the later letters. Some members write about it directly, while others just hint at the possibility, wrapping it in language about sacrifice and protection. In one letter, the writer says they are willing to die for the cause. In another, someone admits they are scared but does not feel like they have a choice. This is where the ideology and the fear really start to blend together. Harris and Waterman explain that Huey Newton’s original use of “revolutionary suicide” was a refusal to be destroyed by an unjust world. Jim Jones, however, turned it into something else entirely, “something fatalistic and something manipulated” (Harris and Waterman 2004, 113). These letters show just how blurred that line had become by the end.
Reflecting on everything I transcribed, I no longer see Jonestown as a singular event or tragedy. It was a process, a community, and a set of beliefs that evolved and unraveled in real time. The letters gave me glimpses of people at every stage of that unraveling. Some were still hopeful, some resigned, and some were barely holding on. Reading Stories from Jonestown helped me understand how survivors carry that complexity with them even now. People like Deanna Wilkinson talk about the discipline and care they received in the Temple, even while grappling with the trauma of its collapse (Fondakowski 2013, 258). The transcriptions I worked on feel like the early echoes of that reflection. They are messy, passionate, and contradictory, just like the people who wrote them.
All in all, this project challenged me not just as a student but as a person. It reminded me how easy it is to look at Jonestown and reduce it to a headline or a cautionary tale. When you read these letters carefully, and give them the attention they deserve, they force you to see the full picture. These were people trying to build something in the face of so much brokenness. Some were wrong. Some were brave. Some were both. But all of them were human, and that humanity deserves to be heard.
Works Cited
Harris, Duchess, and Adam John Waterman. “To Die for the Peoples Temple: Religion and Revolution after Black Power.” In Peoples Temple and Black Religion in America, edited by Rebecca Moore, Anthony B. Pinn, and Mary R. Sawyer, 103–122. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004.
Jenson, Debby. [Untitled Letter], n.d., EE-1-DAT-18.
Anonymous. [Political Reflections and Global Liberation Movements], n.d., EE-1-DAT-19.
Johnston, Laura. [News Sample – Guyana], May 17, 1978, EE-1-DAT-22.
Various Authors. [Letters, 191–200], FBI Codes EE-1-DAT-18 through EE-1-DAT-23.