Jonestown Transcription – David Guo

[Editor’s note: David Guo was one of the students in Prof. Alexandra Prince’s Religion 230 class on Religion and Society who assisted in the transcription of letters from Jonestown residents. This is the paper he wrote about his experiences in working with the text.]

The dominant narrative surround Peoples Temple and Jim Jones is one of brainwashing and violence. However, the documents written or produced by members before and after the White Night event reveal a more nuanced story behindPeoples Temple and Jonestown. On the surface, the letters written by members seem to contribute to the brainwashing narrative; Members detail their absolute devotion and loyalty to Jones, or speak greatly of his achievements. Yet when these writings are explored alongside the broader social context of

mid-20th century America and the personal histories of members, a different narrative emerges. Through close examination of these letters and documents, it becomes evident that members found a sense of community, equality, andpurpose that is reinforced by a shared sense of trauma, oppression, and socialist ideology. These deeper implications challenge the idea that the members were brainwashed, revealing instead how larger social forces contributed to the loyalty and devotion of Peoples Temple amongst its members.

Ever since November 18, 1978, the day of the tragedy, “most who knew Jim Jones have forgotten the sense of justice and humanity he brought into their lives…Jim Jones is the same man who was once their only friend when concerned relatives and friends turned their backs by refusing to listen; the same man whose discipline oftentimes saved human beings from eventual capital punishment; the same man who freed them from jail for crimes no fault of their own…” (Orsot 100). For many members, Peoples Temple and Jim Jones provided something that broader society at the time couldn’t: community and acceptance. In the racialized, post-war American context, marginalized groups and minorities faced heavy discrimination and prejudice.

Stigmatized and alienated, these individuals eventually discovered Peoples Temple and Jim Jones. His charisma and socialist ideology drew people in, but what made a majority of the members stay committed to the organization was the sense of community and solidarity that Peoples Temple and Jones provided. Deanna Wilkins, the singer in Peoples Temple’s band, experienced happiness for the first and only time in her childhood when she was befriended by the children in Peoples Temple (Fondakowski 175). Jann Gurvich, a teacher in Peoples Temple, grew up in an environment of racist family members but found solace in Peoples Temple’s ideology of socialism and equality (Gurvich, EE-1-G-68). Bea Orsot, writer for Peoples Temple, experienced bullying and alienation from her peers in school, being automatically associated with “communists, radicals, criminals. Evil. Bad” (Orsot 93) for her background. Accounts of members such as Wilkins or Orsot demonstrate how the constraints and discrimination within post-war American society can force individuals to find alternative ways of life. Furthermore, their close connection and praise of Jones, to a divine degree, highlights the importance of friendship and camaraderie to members who had neverexperienced such before joining. While it may be argued that individuals were brainwashed by Jones into joining PeoplesTemple, it is also possible that these individuals were forced to take such an alternative path due to the broader racialized conditions of America at the time providing no other option.

Further exploration of the accounts of Peoples Temple members reveals the importance of socialism as an ideologyamongst the members. Socialism within Jonestown was ubiquitous in the lives of Peoples Temple members; letters and documents from varying perspectives and members consistently referenced the ideology and its importance to them. One member, 18 year old Amondo Griffith, described socialism as being “free, working to make a change in this so what called world. To talk with a smile don’t have to worry about the big man any more because will [we will] all be free and equal. When we need clothes we could go and get them. And when we eat it will be together no matter what. When we have fun after work we do it together” (Griffith, EE-1-G-67). Another anonymous member wrote that “he [Jones] teaches the way of enlightenment through deep, deep, gratitude of socialism, and we are indeed grateful for the materialized form and the spirit concept in this mind of his that is creating socialism inour lives” (KE-1-L-108). Jann Gurvich saw socialism as “development – opportunities for development – for all peopleregardless of social class, skin, color, sex religion… the practice of socialism could have molded my contemptuous life into something fine and beautiful” (Gurvich, EE-1-G86).

These interpretations reflect the diversity of Peoples Temple members in social status, upbringing, and education in how they perceive socialism. For Amondo, it entails not having to worry about food or money, as well as community. For Gurvich, socialism is an opportunity for absolute equality. For the unidentified author, it was a way of enlightenment. Yet despite these differences and diversity, the members of Peoples Temple still managed to build strong bonds with each other due to a shared commitment to the socialist ideology and equality that gave many individuals a sense of purpose. Even outside the context of defining socialism, the ideology continued to pervade other aspects of social life for members. Nursery worker Carol Kerns, for instance, wrote that she feels “like a real Capitalist bitch” when admitting to not feeling sexual attraction for a fellow member (Kerns, EE-1-K-12). Comments such as Carol’s demonstrate howdeeply ingrained socialism has become within Peoples Temple members, to the point where “capitalism” began to carry negative connotations.

The conditions within 1950s United States often left minorities disenfranchised and alienated. The tight-knit but acceptingorganization of Peoples Temple therefore not only drew in new members but managed to retain existing ones over a long period of time. While some of the long-standing commitment amongst members could be explained by Jones’ charisma and character, much of the credit also belongs to the environment of Peoples Temple itself. The Temple’s adherence to socialist principles may have been portrayed as radical or cultish by the media, but for the actual members, it was a safe haven from the discrimination and prejudice rampant in their home country. One member, Henry Mercer, described Jonestown and Peoples Temple as “the onliest place you can relax, it’s the onliest place you can be safe… I wouldn’t go back to the States if I had the best room in the best hotel…” (Fondakowski 173). This declaration not only serves as an outright rejection of capitalism and the broader American society, but also represents the grievances and frustrations of hundreds of disadvantaged Peoples Temple members. Examining first-hand stories in tandem with the broader social context of post-war United States therefore humanizes the members of Peoples Temple and disrupts the dominant narrative of a brainwashed suicide cult.

Bibliography