Serial 1858

[Editor’s note: One of the subjects of this serial whose name is deleted is former U.S. Embassy official Richard McCoy. In addition, several other people whose names are deleted are known to the editor. The deleted information from the memorandum – designated by brackets – which is known to the editor has been indicated by red type.]

FBI Airtel

Date 2/13/79

TO: DIRECTOR, FBI (89-4286)
FROM: SAC, WFO (89-570) (P)
RYMUR

ReWFOtel to Bureau, dated 1/29/79.

Enclosed for the Bureau are two copies of an FD-302 reflecting interview of [name deleted] [Richard McCoy]. Enclosed for San Francisco Division is the original and two copies of the same FD-302 and 1A-Interview Notes of [McCoy].

[Page 2 of serial, page 1 of FD-302]

FD-302

Federal Bureau of Investigation

Date of transcription 2/2/79

[Richard McCoy] was interviewed in the Office of Security, United States Department of State, and furnished the following information:

[paragraph highly redacted]

He first learned of the Peoples Temple shortly after he arrived in Georgetown and was informed by the Embassy staff that there was an agricultural mission of a religious group at Jonestown which was hostile to the United States Government. There were only 30 to 40 residents of Jonestown at that time.

The vast majority of contacts with Peoples Temple members were through him.

He met Jim Jones in September of 1976, when Jones came to Embassy with the Governor of California [Lieutenant Governor Mervyn Dymally]. At that time he realized that Jim Jones did not love the present policies of the United States Government.

His and the Embassy’s first real contact with the People’s Temple was in August of 1977, which resulted from a New West Magazine article detailing the allegations of the detaining and mistreatment of residents at Jonestown. About this time, they began receiving what they termed, welfare pouch inquiries, which are letters from relatives of residents in Jonestown concerning the conditions and status of residents in Jonestown. As a result of this, he scheduled a trip to Jonestown in August 1977, and on the way to Jonestown he was informed by the Guyanese police that [Leon Broussard] had escaped from Jonestown and had told the Guyanese police

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that he was abused while he was a resident of Jonestown. He was in route to Jonestown with a Guyanese police officer and went to Matthews Ridge, Guyana, where the Guyanese police were holding [Broussard]. He met with [Broussard] approximately 48 hours after he had escaped from Jonestown, and [Broussard] denied any of his previous statements to the Guyanese police and would not sign a statement. [Broussard] had some bruises on his shoulder which he said he had gotten from carrying lumber at the sawmill. He then interceded for [Broussard] with Jim Jones about sending [Broussard] back to the United States and told Jones that it was his responsibility to see that these people return to the United States since he had brought them to Jonestown. Jones offered no objections and did pay for [Broussard’s] way back to the United States.

He personally visited Jonestown on three occasions, in August of 1977, January 1978, and May of 1978.

During these visits, he talked to hundreds of people and set up special procedures for the interviews which he usually tried to conduct in open areas such as in the fields where people could see him, but not overhear the conversation. He mostly interviewed people who were supposedly mistreated. On each of the three trips he was accompanied by a Guyanese official and an official Guyanese government vehicle, which he took in case anyone wanted to leave Jonestown. Deputy Chief of Mission Dick Dwyer went on the last trip he made to Jonestown in May of 1978.

No one he ever talked to admitted being detained or mistreated at Jonestown, and he heard charges that Jones had programmed these people before he arrived at Jonestown so that he would receive only the answers which Jones wanted him to hear.

He noted there was no way to keep a trip secret to Jonestown as it required Guyanese support to make the trip, and even if he did not use the Guyanese government, landing at Matthews Ridge or Port Kaituma airstrips, would be known to people in that area.

The first trip he made in August of 1977, he made by airplane to Matthew’s Ridge and then took a Guyanese Government

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Rover to Jonestown. For the other trips, he chartered a plane to the Port Kaituma airstrip and then traveled the remaining distance to Jonestown by Guyanese Government Land Rover.

During the course of his duties at the Embassy, he talked to the [Stoens] and Debbie Blakley [Blakey] (whom he helped get out of Guyana.)

He was never able to confirm any instances of violence, and in his opinion the first confirmed incident of violence was on November 18, 1978.

He never went socially with any Peoples Temple members and knew from his counterintelligence background that they would probably try to compromise him. During the time he was involved with the Peoples Temple, they actively tried to get him to make a tape or a statement supporting the Peoples Temple.

During the course of his duties with the Embassy, he had to balance the request from American citizens and the fact that the residents of Jonestown were also American citizens, who had their own individual rights.

Initially, he thought that maybe some of the stories regarding the Peoples Temple were “bad mouthing”.

During his stay in Guyana, he had extensive contacts with the Guyanese police and only two Guyanese police thought that there was any problem at Jonestown. One of these was a police official who strongly suspected problems and wanted to go in and “kick ass”, but was prevented from doing so by the Guyanese government. He discussed this with the Guyanese police official, and the Guyanese police official had no real information on which to act.

On his trips to Jonestown, Jim Jones knew some of the people whom he wanted to talk to, but upon his arrival he would ask for others to be made available for interview. It was his opinion that Jim Jones felt that it was to the advantage of the members of the Peoples Temple to cooperate with him to a certain degree.

He became suspicious of the activities of the Peoples Temple in February of 1978, and this was generally through a

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process of accumulation. About February 1978, he began to feel that there were serious problems at Jonestown. He noted there were not really that many residents in Jonestown until July or August of 1977, and the early complaints regarding the Peoples Temple primarily dealt with actions of the Peoples Temple while it was based in the United States.

During August of 1977, one individual arrived at the Georgetown Airport from the United States and said that he did not want to go to Jonestown. Immigration officials took this individual into their custody and notified him; however, before he arrived at the airport, this individual had left and told the Guyanese Immigration Officials that he wanted to go ahead and complete the trip to Jonestown.

He also observed that during the procedure for application of passports in the United States, departure from the United States, entrance into Guyana, and processing through immigration officials at Guyana, if people were not serious in going to Jonestown and were being forced to go against their will, there was plenty of opportunity for them to approach a government official of either the Guyanese Government or the United States Government and tell them they were being kidnapped.

When he met with members of the Peoples Temple in the Embassy at Georgetown, he usually had another Embassy official with him, particularly since the members of the Peoples Temple would usually visit with three persons and tried to set up a three to one ratio.

On one occasion he heard from the Guyanese police that the Peoples Temple had taken a picture of him at lunch with the police chief of the Northwest District and had sent this picture to the Guyanese police saying he was a CIA operative recruiting police.

On one occasion Peoples Temple members came to the Embassy to see the Ambassador, on one to two occasions they saw the Deputy Chief of Mission, and most all of the other contacts were with him. The frequency of his

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contacts with the Peoples Temple members in Georgetown would vary according to what type of activity was going on and would sometimes be frequent to the point of their coming to see him two to three times a week. This was particularly true during the handling of the [Stoen] case by the Embassy.

Around May 12 to 13, 1978, Debbie Blakely came to him wanting to leave the country and said she did not have access to her passport. He obtained an emergency passport for her and had a Vice-Consul assigned to her till the time she flew from the Georgetown Airport back to the United States. She made several general allegations, and he had told her to contact the FBI. The only statement she would make was regarding the mass suicide drills at Jonestown. He noted there were only eight police constables for the whole Northwest District of Guyana and there was no feasible way for anyone to prevent a mass suicide at Jonestown; if the Guyanese police trying to stop any such action, they would be disarmed and would quickly run. Blakely also talking generally about the smuggling of weapons into Jonestown, and he told her to contact either the United States Customs or the Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms Division upon her arrival in the United States. He emphasized that Blakely made only general allegations and did not have any specifics.

During his visits to Jonestown, he was very much aware that if someone wanted to leave Jonestown all they would have to do was walk one foot into the jungle, and they could not be found unless they wanted themselves to be found.

Initially during his contacts with the Guyanese Government, he was told that the Guyanese Government did not want to get involved in strictly American affairs and would only act on an official report of a United States Government Agency or a warrant issued by a United States jurisdiction. During his appearances before the House International Relations Committee, he was asked if he could not go to U.S. Agencies and report these things, and he had told them there was nothing that he could prove and there was no action that any U.S. Agency could take in the country of Guyana.

During his contact with the [Stoens], he also advised them that they were contacting the wrong agency in contacting the United

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States Department of State and should contact other branches of the government to assist in the resolution of their particular custody problem.

[paragraph deleted]

On one occasion he sent a cable to the State Department requesting that they send a formal request to the Guyanese Government asking them to enforce the Guyanese laws, particularly regarding free movement, at the Jonestown settlement. He received a reply that unless there was specific information, such a request could not be sent.

He was aware that the Peoples Temple was obtaining files to which he had furnished information. These files were being obtained under the Freedom of Information Act and the Privacy Act; and as a result of this and the fact they knew that the Peoples Temple attorneys preparing files for a suit charging the United States Government with conspiracy to discredit the Peoples Temple, he and the U.S. Ambassador to Guyana agreed that several of his contacts with Guyanese officials and Guyanese police would not be made a matter of record in the Peoples Temple file.

He returned to the United States in March and May of 1978, and told various people at the State Department, including the Bureau of Consular Affairs and the Desk Officer for Guyana, in general terms of the problems of which he was aware of in Jonestown. He also noted that he had filed reports after each trip he made to the Jonestown settlement with the Department of State.

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Regarding the arrangements for the trip of Congressman Leo J. Ryan to Jonestown, he talked frequently with [Jim Schollaert], a House International Relations Community Staffer, and [Jackie Speier], Ryan’s aide, and generally those contacts dealt with logistical problems of transportation to Jonestown itself. He told them that he had been there on three occasions and had no particular problems, but also cautioned them he thought that if they took the press and the Concerned Relatives group, they probably would not be allowed entry into Jonestown by the Peoples Temple. It was his opinion that Ryan was taking the press as protection. There had been a lot of talk about assassination of former members; however, he knew people who left Jonestown, while he was assigned to the Embassy in Georgetown, and nothing had ever happened to these individuals.

He talked directly with Congressman Ryan on only one occasion on September 15, 1978. [Next three lines redacted] Virginia. During this time, he talked with [name deleted] on a couple of occasions about his concern regarding the press going on the trip and was told by Spier that the press was going on their own initiative. The Peoples Temple had said they would not let the Ryan party into Jonestown, and they were going to have Guyanese police stationed at the entrance to Jonestown in case Congressman Ryan’s party try to forcibly enter Jonestown. [Name deleted] had his telephone number at the [several words deleted, likely related to McCoy’s new assignment] and on one occasion ask him if he would go with them to Jonestown. He replied that he did not object, but he was assigned to [2 lines deleted].

In his opinion, there were two significant factors which were unknown to him at the time the Ryan party departed for Jonestown, Guyana, and of which he was not aware until his return to duty at the State Department.

The first of these was regarding [Tim Carter], who in his opinion was a dangerous person, a fanatical supporter of Jones and a former Marine. He had arranged a meeting at

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the Department of State on the day prior to the departure of the Ryan party for Jonestown, Guyana, with [name deleted] and the Department of State. Notes from this meeting indicated that Deborah Blakely and the [name deleted] had said that [Tim Carter] was a recent defector from the Peoples Temple. [Carter] reportedly returned to Jonestown three days before Congressman Ryan arrived there. He read a cable press report which said that [Carter], when he was apprehended by the Guyanese police in an attempt to cross the Guyanese border with money after the mass suicides, had told the Guyanese police that he was sent to California find out the purpose of Congressman Ryan’s trip, and he returned to Jonestown and told Jim Jones that Congressman Ryan was coming to Jonestown to kill Jim Jones. Considering the fanatical support and closeness of [Tim Carter] to Jim Jones and the general belief by many of the Peoples Temple members that he came into contact with, that anything they said would be believed, he could understand how the residents of Jonestown would believe what [Tim Carter] was saying. It was also his impression before he left Georgetown, Guyana, to take his post at the Department of State, the Jim Jones fully expected the Green Berets to invade the Jonestown settlement.

The mere fact that [Tim Carter] was supposedly a recent defector would make him highly suspicious.

The State Department records reflect that on November 14, 1978, Deborah Blakely informed the State Department [Tim Carter] was a recent defector from the Peoples Temple. He believes that he read somewhere that [Tim Carter] was supposedly sent to California to determine the purpose of Congressman Ryan’s visit to Jonestown, but could not recall where he saw this article.

The second thing which would have made him suspicious was the action of [name deleted] around this time. [Name deleted] was never in Guyana during the time he was stationed at the Embassy, and he never had any direct contact with him. When he returned to the State Department after reserve duty, he read a cable that [name deleted] knew things were not all right at Jonestown, and [name deleted] thought that by going to Jonestown he could help ease these problems. He definitely feels

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that [name deleted] had guilty knowledge that conditions were not right at this time.

This brought to mind an instance regarding [Jeffrey Haas], who was an American attorney for the [Stoens], who went to Jonestown on two occasions from Georgetown, Guyana. On second trip, [Haas] expressed his concern for his safety at Jonestown, and he arranged for a Guyanese police official to go with [Haas] to Jonestown.

In his opinion, [name deleted] should be talked to extensively; and if he is denying any knowledge of the planning for the trip of Congressman Ryan in the events leading up to the suicide, it [is] his opinion he would be lying.

Initially he was leery of his dealings with the Peoples Temple, partly because of his [balance of paragraph deleted].

[Paragraph almost completely redacted]

[McCoy] was asked if he had any information which she desired to add to his affidavit of November 22, 1978, regarding [several words deleted] Paula Adams, and he replied that he had nothing to add to the affidavit which follows:

[Page 11 of serial; page 1 of affidavit]

Washington, D.C.

Personally appeared before me this 22 day of Nov, 1978, Richard A. McCoy who first being duly sworn deposes and says:

My name is [Richard A. McCoy]. [several lines of McCoy’s background redacted] my duties brought me into frequent contact with members of the People’s Temple after August, 1977. Beginning with this period, the Embassy began to receive information pertaining to alleged maltreatment of People’s Temple members in Jonestown, the site of their agricultural community. However, a child custody case involving a child with the People’s Temple also occurred. As result, People’s Temple representatives in Georgetown (always two or three in number) would call frequently at my office to discuss these cases to attempt to convince me of their organization’s innocence. During these meetings these Temple representatives always impugned the character and integrity of those opposed to them. This character assassination ranged from incest to transvestitism. The Temple members that I saw most frequently were [several names deleted] Mike Prokes, Maria Katsaris, and Terri Jones. I saw [name deleted] and Paula Adams less frequently. Later for about six weeks, Deborah Blakey became a frequent visitor until the time of her departure from Guyana on May 14, 1978.

At no time did I ever see any of the above individuals socially or alone or in fact any member of the organization alone. I have never made any sexual advances toward any female while I was in Guyana. And no specific sexual advances were ever made by any female toward me. I was very much aware that sexual entrapment was a technique utilized by the People’s Temple to compromise individuals.

[Page 12 of serial; page 2 of affidavit]

[2 lines deleted] and I had conversed on this subject and he informed me that Paula Adams and several other female People’s Temple representatives had sexual affairs with Guyanese officials. [Several words deleted] had also informed me that Paula Adams was one of the organization’s “femme fatales” who was under orders to have affairs with GOG [Government from Guyana] officials. [Line deleted related to Tim Stoen] and Grace Stoen was a member of the inner circle until she left the organization. They were involved in a child custody case against the Temple in Georgetown.) From information received concerning statements made by former members of the Temple [six lines deleted].

Toward the end of my tour (from May to August 1978) I always had a Vice-Consul sit with me during the meetings primarily because I was concerned that our conversations with the Temple representatives were being taped by them. In this connection, Mrs. Blakey on May [date illegible], 1978 informed me that heretofore Temple representatives had not, to her knowledge, been taping our conversations. She warned me that they would begin since they wanted to have me make statements that could later prove embarrassing to me personally [half line deleted]

[Two paragraphs heavily redacted]

I am convinced that [several words deleted] are a result of a ploy by Jim Jones (former head of the People’s Temple) to influence his followers [several words deleted] especially after Mrs. Blakey left the Temple. As a result of this incident, I think that Jones may have been concerned that [2 lines deleted]

[Page 13 of serial; page 3 of affidavit]

I was involved or engaged in no activities in Guyana or elsewhere which the People’s Temple or any other organization could use in an effort to exploit or coerce me.

This statement is made of my own free will and accord without promises of immunity having been made to me and without any threats, force or coercion being used against me. I made this statement with the desire of assisting the Department of State in its investigation.

Signed: [blank line]

Subscribed and sworn to before me this [blank line] day of [blank line] 1978.

Signed: [blank line]
Special Agent
Office of Security
Department of State

Witness: [blank line]

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Paula Adams who stayed at the Georgetown house of the Peoples Temple seemed reasonably levelheaded, but he thought he could never trust any of the Peoples Temple members not to distort information and work it to their advantage. Paula Adams on one occasion brought a tape from Maria Katsaris into the Embassy and played it for him. Maria Katsaris said [line deleted related to claim that her father, [Steven Katsaris], had sexually molested her as a child] and Maria Katsaris later came in and personally confirmed the allegation.

There were also allegations by Peoples Temple members during the [Stoen]
custody matter that [name deleted] was a [words deleted], a dangerous character, and then gave him a mass of paper that was generally illegible. It was his observation that whenever someone was at odds or had different opinions from the Peoples Temple, they would attempt to assassinate their character.

In his opinion, the biggest problem while he was handling the Peoples Temple matters for the Embassy in Georgetown, was that each side wanted him to take their side and support it fully. It was not this simple a matter.

Since the Peoples Temple could not bribe him or [name deleted] he was told by some Chinese Government officials that the Peoples Temple went to the Guyanese Government and told him that he was a racist and a member of the CIA. On one occasion when he had a meeting which was arranged by Guyanese Ambassador Mann to the United States, Paula Adams was at Ambassador Mann’s house when he arrived with [name deleted]. The meeting was arranged for [name deleted] to talk to [words deleted] Maria Katsaris. During the time they were at Ambassador Mann’s house, he got the very definite impression that Paula Adams was a permanent resident of Ambassador Mann’s house, as she seemed to know where everything was. He had heard general allegations that Paula Adams was sleeping with Ambassador Mann. It was not unusual in Guyana for this type of situation to exist. Ambassador Mann had forced the meeting through his contacts with the Peoples Temple.

There was a lot of talk around and some police officers had told him about the Peoples Temple bringing

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cakes and other items around to them which they considered to be a small form of bribery and to which they objected.

He was sure that the Peoples Temple had someone at the airport on the take, as there were too many people coming into Guyana who were opposed to the church and had visa problems upon their entry into the country of Guyana.

[Paragraph deleted]

He never accepted any gifts or bribes from the Peoples Temple, but on occasion was offered a bottle of whiskey, but since he does not drink he turned it down. On some occasions he was invited to social events at the Peoples Temple in Georgetown, but he always turned them down.

He felt that there were probably one or two Immigration Constables who were on the take from the Peoples Temple, but did not believe it was either the Corporal or the Sergeant. On one occasion the Corporal, whose name is unknown, told him that things were going on out there (referring to the airport) which he did not like. The Corporal indicated that he felt the Peoples Temple had too much freedom and access.

He has no direct knowledge of any payoffs to Guyanese police or government officials. He did note that corruption is a way of life in Guyana due to the economic situation in the country.

With regard to the assets of the Peoples Temple he heard several figures thrown around, but all of these were rumor. Deborah Blakely when she left Georgetown said

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that she had helped transfer funds of the Peoples Temple Church, and he told her to relate this to U.S. authorities upon her return to the United States. He talked to Debbie Blakely on the telephone about one week after she left Georgetown, and apparently she had never talked to a U.S. Government Agency, although she did talk to the press. He knew of an account of the Peoples Temple in the Guyanese National Cooperative Bank because of Social Security Checks being deposited there, and a request by the Social Security Administration to determine whether these checks were being voluntarily deposited in the Peoples Temple account. He normally was concerned with how these checks were being cashed and deposited to the Peoples Temple account at the Guyanese National Cooperative Bank and was usually not aware the amount of money in the account.

He left the Embassy in Georgetown, Guyana, in August of 1978, as his [3 lines deleted]

He had extensive contacts with [name deleted, likely Sharon Amos], whom he considered flaky and should have been a Hollywood actress. During one of the contacts regarding the [Stoen] matter, she got tears in her eyes and said that if they took John John, they (referring to the Peoples Temple members) would all sit down and die. He considered her a fanatical follower of Jones. His primary contacts at the Embassy were with [several names deleted], Mike Prokes, and Terri Jones. There were others who came with these individuals to the Embassy from time to time. It was his impression that [name deleted, likely Sharon Amos] was the Chief Liaison Officer for the Peoples Temple in Georgetown, and it was her duty to keep the Peoples Temple members in Georgetown up to the mark.

On many occasions he saw Peoples Temple members walking alone in the streets of Georgetown, usually asking for money. On occasions they were going door to door, and solicited in his neighborhood, but only came to his house on one occasion when they knocked on the door asking where somebody’s house was. He noted that they did not solicit at his house, but did solicit all of his neighbors.

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His wife always told him that the Peoples Temple was a bunch of kooks and to never trust them. He has two sons ages 17 and 18.

He met Terri Buford on one occasion when she accompanied Marceline Jones to the Embassy to meet with the Ambassador. He got the impression that Terri Buford was Mrs. Jones’ aide, and she accompanied Mrs. Jones to Washington, D.C., about this same time last year to go to the United States Capitol. He saw her on one occasion in Jonestown, and she was again in the company of Marceline Jones.

In his visits to Jonestown, the general living conditions seemed to be good compared to Guyanese standards, although by American standards they would be poor and austere. One’s first impression of the Jonestown settlement was that it was well-equipped, electrified, and impressive considering it was carved out of a jungle. The residents of Jonestown appeared to be reasonably well-dressed, and the teenagers were probably dressed as well as any teenagers attending American high schools.

He is aware the Jim Jones told the residents of Georgetown [Jonestown] that the Embassy in Georgetown would hinder their leaving the Jonestown settlement in Guyana and that the Guyanese police would catch them and return them to Jonestown. He feels, however, that most people, if they were inhibited from leaving Jonestown, would have been so by the isolation of the Jonestown settlement.

He met [name deleted] on some occasions when she would come to the Embassy with other Peoples Temple members from the Georgetown house. In his opinion, she was not “one of the main players” and she never had a whole lot to say that any of the meetings.

During his visits to the Jonestown settlement, he visited the clinic and saw drugs in the clinic, but never knew what those drugs really were and never knew how they got there drug supply. He heard a lot of comments about the smuggling of drugs by the Peoples Temple, which he assumed to refer to cocaine and heroin. [Line deleted]

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[2 paragraphs deleted]

Many of the local Guyanese in Georgetown had contact with the Peoples Temple as they carried out a big public relations program, partly to solicit funds, and would go to the fisheries to get fish heads and remains, which they said were to be used as fertilizer for the Jonestown settlement. During either April, May, or June of 1978, they had a show in the Cultural Center in Georgetown. The Peoples Temple had a professional quality orchestra which played Latin American type music. The Peoples Temple basketball team was only in Georgetown on one occasion, while he was attached to the Embassy in Georgetown, and that was to play the Guyanese national team. This was a public relations type of activity. The basketball team, to his knowledge, played teams in Matthews Ridge.

Howard [and Beverly] Oliver, [2 names deleted] had contacts with the Peoples Temple along

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with a number of relatives of residents of Jonestown including John Moore and his wife from California. Usually everyone who went up to Jonestown would sign in on the guestbook which he understands is in the possession of the FBI.

Charles Garry went to Jonestown in November 1977, but he never met Garry.

He was aware that several Guyanese cabinet officials went to Jonestown to see the settlement, also two representatives from the Soviet Embassy.

In late May of 1978, a journalist, [Kathy Hunter] came to Georgetown to do a story on the Peoples Temple. [Hunter] was ill when her visa ran out, and she had no funds to pay for the hotel room, and he was called [line deleted]. After talking with [Hunter] he found out that she thought she was invited by the Prime Minister of Guyana to do a story on the Peoples Temple and was a guest of the Guyanese Government, and therefore, had no funds to pay for lodging. During this time, there have been several fires at the hotel and a bomb threat. The manager of the hotel told him that he thought that the Peoples Temple was responsible for the fires and bomb threat. When he went with [4 lines deleted].

Up until this time, relations between the Guyanese Government and the Peoples Temple had been good, but this incident along with Deborah Blakely’s departure from Jonestown and Guyana resulted in concern in the Guyanese cabinet and a Guyanese police official wanting to kick the Peoples Temple out of Guyana. From there relations between the Peoples Temple and the Guyanese Government appeared to deteriorate.

From August through November 1978, he had contacts with the Guyanese Embassy in Washington to make arrangements for the Congressman’s visit to Jonestown, and the Embassy in Washington appeared willing to cooperate and did not see any particular danger although they felt that the People’s

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Temple was full of kooky individuals. The Washington Embassy was concerned about the image of the Government of Guyana and did not want to see the Congressman’s visit “Stonewall” when they arrived in Guyana.

It was his observation for Jim Jones was pretty much of a recluse, and to his knowledge Jones never left Jonestown from August 1977, until his death. [Name deleted], Terri Jones, [name deleted], Mike Prokes, Paula Adams, and [name deleted] usually made the contacts with Guyanese officials in Georgetown.

He was told that the Peoples Temple was giving gifts and laying money on people, but he had no direct knowledge or specific facts. He noted that during the entire course of his duties in Georgetown there were numerous general accusations, but no one could ever provide any specifics which made it difficult for him to report anything was wrong. He did feel that they had to have an immigration inspector with whom the Peoples Temple had access because of numerous problems that people coming into the country had and the availability of some of the Guyanese Immigration Reports to the Peoples Temple.

He had no knowledge of an individual named [name deleted] but the name sounded like a Guyanese of East Indian extraction. He has no idea of the amount paid for the lease of the Jonestown settlement to the Guyanese Government, but believes that the Justice Department has a copy of the lease which was obtained from the Guyanese Government.

In retrospect, the only thing which really indicated that something was wrong was the supposed defection of Tim Carter and an inspection by the Embassy in Georgetown on November 7, when Embassy officials visited Jonestown and found Jones ill and his speech slurred. The Embassy did not file the report until later as they were going to brief the Congressional party upon their arrival in Georgetown. Had he known of Jones’ health, he would’ve been concerned, particularly as to Jones’ mental stability.

He and the Ambassador felt that if Jim Jones died the organization would fall apart, but that many people would

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probably stay in Jonestown which he feels is evidenced by the fact that only 16 people out of the hundreds in Jonestown wanted to leave with Congressman Ryan. He felt that many of these people were seriously committed to the work of the church and would’ve stayed on beyond Jones’ death.

Following his contacts with the Peoples Temple he always briefed the Ambassador, and the Deputy Chief of Mission would also know of these contacts at least in general. John Blacken was previously Deputy Chief of Mission at Georgetown and is now assigned to the UN Mission. The Station Chief of the Embassy at Georgetown was also aware of the information. Nothing he has related today was not known by the Ambassador to Guyana and at least generally by the Deputy Chief of Mission.

In his opinion, there would be two people who would be close to the planning of the assassination and should have information regarding it. This would include Mike Prokes, who was a close confidant at Jonestown of Jim Jones and was there before and during the visit of Congressman Ryan. He felt that Prokes sat in on the council at Jonestown. Prokes was the leader of the moderate group. The second would be [Tim Carter’s brother Michael] who was the radio operator in Jonestown, and because of his brother’s closeness to Jim Jones would probably be aware of the planning for the Congressman’s visit and any planning after the Congressman arrived.

Deborah Blakely should be able to furnish information as to how guns were coming into Guyana for the Peoples Temple.

[McCoy] said that from the beginning of his assignment to the Embassy in Georgetown in August of 1976, he was aware that there would probably be attempts by the Peoples Temple to compromise him; and as result, he was very careful in his contacts with members of the Peoples Temple. These contacts were always conducted in the open; and as result, he became aware of attempts by the Peoples Temple to inform the Guyanese Government officials and police that he was a CIA operative. On one occasion when some Peoples Temple members visited the Embassy, he told them he was aware that they were informing Guyanese officials that he was a CIA operative and jokingly said that they were right. He observed that their reaction was one of being startled.

[Page 22 of serial]
WFO 89-570
21

One of his visits to Jonestown, he was curious as to the recreational activities available to the residents and was informed that the children we play the local Guyanese schools in soccer. Many of the residents appeared dedicated, and therefore, is assumed to be willing to work long hours.

He and the Ambassador conferred frequently about the Peoples Temple because of the potential for the request for records from the State Department under the Freedom of Information and Privacy Acts, and a possible suit too by the Peoples Temple Church, charging the government with conspiracy against the Peoples Temple.

Originally posted on August 4th, 2020.

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